TPLF at a Crossroads: Legacy, Criticism, and the Path Forward for Tigray
After much contemplation and anticipation, I have once again decided to share my thoughts on the current political landscape in Tigray. Recently, during the 14th General Assembly of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), I happened to be in Mekelle. Although my visit to the city was primarily to visit family, it coincided with this significant political event. This unplanned intersection offered me the rare opportunity to listen and engage with residents of Mekelle, including some of my closest friends and relatives. What unfolded was a deeper understanding of the opinions and sentiments of the people concerning the present political environment in Tigray.
While any attempt to categorize political opinions into neat boxes is an oversimplification, I’ve tried to distill the varied perspectives into three main groups. These groups represent the broader spectrum of political thought that I encountered during my conversations.
Group 1: Critics of the TPLF’s Dominance
This group is composed of individuals who strongly criticize the TPLF’s long-standing dominance in Tigray’s political landscape. Unlike those who call for internal reform, these critics argue that the TPLF's hold over the region has become both counterproductive and detrimental to the interests of the people of Tigray. Their perspective is shaped by deep disillusionment with the party, particularly regarding its role in the recent conflict and its broader history of governance.
TPLF's Historical Dominance and its Consequences
For decades, the TPLF has been the dominant political force in Tigray, having originally risen to power as a liberation movement during the 1970s. After leading the resistance against the Derg regime, the TPLF became a key part of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which governed Ethiopia for nearly three decades. During this time, the TPLF exercised significant control over both regional and national politics, and it was instrumental in shaping Ethiopia's political and economic landscape.
However, this group believes that the TPLF’s long tenure in power ultimately led to a concentration of political and economic influence in the hands of a few leaders, while the broader Tigrayan population saw little benefit. They argue that while TPLF initially fought for the liberation and prosperity of Tigray, it eventually morphed into an authoritarian political machine that was more concerned with maintaining power than addressing the real needs of the people. This criticism is particularly harsh in the post-conflict era, where the suffering of the Tigrayan people during the war is seen as a direct consequence of the party's failures. According to this group, the TPLF leadership, especially in the years leading up to the conflict with the Federal government, became increasingly disconnected from the people. They accuse the leadership of pursuing policies that favored personal enrichment and corruption over the region’s long-term interests. As a result, they hold the TPLF responsible not only for the outbreak of the war but also for the deep economic and social crises that have followed.
Blaming the TPLF for the Conflict
One of the central tenets of this group’s critique is that the TPLF is directly responsible for allowing the war with the Federal government to unfold. They argue that the TPLF leadership's confrontational stance toward the central government, especially following the rise of Abiy Ahmed, was reckless and lacked strategic foresight. According to them, the party should have prioritized peaceful negotiation and compromise rather than escalating tensions, which ultimately led to devastating consequences for the people of Tigray.
These critics also contend that the TPLF’s decision to resist the Federal government was driven by a desire to maintain power at all costs. They argue that the leadership failed to recognize the changing political realities in Ethiopia, and instead of adapting to a new political landscape, they chose to hold onto their historical dominance, even if it meant dragging Tigray into a bloody conflict. This group views the leadership’s actions as irresponsible and accuses them of prioritizing the preservation of their own power over the welfare of Tigray’s population.
Corruption and Governance Failures
The issue of corruption is central to this group’s grievances against the TPLF. They argue that during the TPLF’s time in power—both in the EPRDF coalition and within Tigray itself—the leadership fostered a culture of rent-seeking and self-enrichment. According to this group, high-ranking officials within the TPLF were more concerned with accumulating wealth through corrupt practices than with building strong institutions or addressing the economic challenges facing the region.
They point to several instances where public resources were allegedly misappropriated by party elites, while the broader population faced poverty, lack of infrastructure, and inadequate social services. For this group, the TPLF leadership failed to use its position of power to improve the livelihoods of ordinary Tigrayans. Instead, they claim, the leadership’s focus on maintaining control and enriching themselves directly contributed to the party’s eventual downfall.
The economic hardship that has followed the conflict has only deepened the anger of this group. They argue that Tigray’s dire economic situation, exacerbated by war, is a direct result of decades of mismanagement, corruption, and neglect by the TPLF. They believe that new leadership and new political forces are needed to move Tigray beyond the failures of the past and toward a future where political accountability, economic opportunity, and social justice are prioritized.
The TPLF as an Oppressive Political Machine
In addition to corruption, this group is highly critical of the TPLF’s approach to governance, which they describe as authoritarian and undemocratic. They argue that for much of its time in power, the TPLF systematically suppressed political pluralism in both Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole. Political dissent, according to this group, was routinely silenced, and opposition movements were crushed or co-opted to ensure the TPLF’s unchallenged dominance. Some critics within this group go even further, likening the TPLF to an outdated Leninist regime that clings to power through rigid ideological control and the suppression of alternative viewpoints. They view the party as a remnant of an older world order, unwilling to adapt to the new political realities of Ethiopia or the evolving aspirations of the Tigrayan people. They accuse the TPLF of using state machinery to enforce its dominance, stifling democratic participation, and creating a climate of fear and repression for those who dared to challenge the status quo.
For these critics, Tigray’s future must be built on a more open and inclusive political system, one that encourages democratic participation and allows for the emergence of new political actors who are more in tune with the needs of the people. They argue that the TPLF’s heavy-handed control of the political space has prevented the rise of such movements and that the region’s recovery requires breaking the TPLF’s monopoly on power.
The Call for a New Political Era
At the core of this group’s argument is the belief that the TPLF has had its chance to lead Tigray and has failed. They argue that the party’s failures—both in governance and in its handling of the conflict—disqualify it from continuing to play a leading role in the region’s post-war reconstruction. This group calls for a significant reduction in the TPLF’s influence and advocates for the emergence of new political movements that are better equipped to address the current challenges facing Tigray.
They see the post-war period as an opportunity to build a new political order in Tigray, one that is not defined by the legacy of the TPLF but by a more democratic, accountable, and transparent governance structure. This group believes that the same leaders who were responsible for bringing Tigray to the brink of destruction cannot be trusted to lead its reconstruction. They argue that Tigray needs fresh leadership, untainted by the failures of the past, to guide it toward a more prosperous and peaceful future. Challenges to the TPLF’s Continued Role in Reconstruction This group’s critique is not just ideological; it is also practical. They argue that the TPLF’s continued dominance presents a significant obstacle to the region’s recovery. In their view, the same leadership that presided over the war and the economic devastation cannot effectively manage the difficult task of rebuilding Tigray’s infrastructure, economy, and social fabric. They also point to the fact that the TPLF’s leadership remains deeply unpopular with a segment of the Tigrayan population, particularly younger generations who see the party as out of touch with their aspirations. These critics argue that Tigray’s recovery will require broad-based support from all sectors of society, and the TPLF’s controversial role in recent events makes it difficult for the party to unite the region around a common vision for the future.
Group 2: The Dedicated TPLF Reformists
This group represents individuals who have been long-time supporters of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and continue to believe in the organization’s importance and its historical role in the region’s political evolution. They remain loyal to the ideals the TPLF once stood for—liberation, justice, and regional autonomy—but they are deeply aware of the cracks that have emerged within the party’s leadership, especially in the aftermath of the recent conflict and the signing of the Pretoria Peace Accord.
A Legacy of Leadership and Struggle
For this group, the TPLF is far more than just a political entity; it embodies Tigray’s long and arduous struggle for self-determination and survival. Emerging as a revolutionary movement against the Derg regime in the 1970s, the TPLF eventually became a dominant force within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), steering national politics for nearly three decades. During its leadership, Tigray experienced substantial development, and the TPLF was widely regarded as a guardian of the region's interests within the broader Ethiopian state. One of its most significant achievements was the recognition and constitutional protection of minority ethnic identities, including that of the Tigrayans. The 1995 Ethiopian Constitution, largely shaped by the TPLF’s influence, enshrined the rights of ethnic groups to promote their culture, language, and identity, giving Tigrayans, along with other minorities, a national platform to assert their unique cultural heritage. This period marked a turning point in Ethiopian politics, as ethnic federalism became a core principle, granting ethnic groups like the Tigrayans the autonomy to preserve and celebrate their identity within the larger framework of the Ethiopian state.
This group also argues that without the TPLF and its pivotal role in the struggle for democracy and ethnic federalism, the modern Ethiopian state as it exists today would have been unimaginable. They contend that the TPLF’s fight against the Derg regime and its subsequent influence in shaping Ethiopia’s political system were critical in establishing the framework of ethnic federalism, which provided recognition and autonomy to the country’s diverse ethnic groups. In their view, the TPLF’s contributions laid the foundation for a more inclusive state, where the rights of ethnic minorities are constitutionally protected, allowing for cultural expression, self-governance, and equitable political representation. Without the TPLF’s struggle, they believe Ethiopia would have remained a highly centralized state, suppressing ethnic identities and denying the democratic rights of its various peoples. To this group, the TPLF’s legacy is intertwined with the very survival of a multi-ethnic, democratic Ethiopia.
However, this group also acknowledges that the TPLF’s time in power, particularly during its leadership of the EPRDF, was not without flaws. They admit that corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and internal power struggles eventually eroded the party’s moral standing. The group believes that the decline of the TPLF’s governance, and the eventual fall from power in the federal government, contributed to the broader political conflict between Tigray and Addis Ababa, leading to the devastating war that has ravaged the region.
The Need for Internal Reform
Despite their loyalty, members of this group are acutely aware that the TPLF’s leadership must reform if the party is to remain relevant and regain the trust of the people of Tigray. This group sees the General Assembly as a necessary forum to initiate these reforms and to provide a platform for the renewal of the party. To them, the primary issues are twofold: first, the internal corruption that has allowed certain members of the leadership to accumulate personal wealth at the expense of the public good; and second, the increasing disconnect between the leadership and the people of Tigray. For this group, a key part of the reform process involves addressing these grievances transparently and holding corrupt officials accountable.
The Role of the Pretoria Peace Accord
Members of this group interpret the Pretoria Peace Accord as providing the TPLF with the legal framework to continue operating as the governing body in Tigray. They argue that reform within the party does not violate the peace agreement, but rather strengthens its legitimacy by demonstrating that the TPLF is willing to address its own internal problems. The peace accord is seen not as a limitation on Tigray’s internal politics but as a necessary step toward rebuilding the region and normalizing its relations with the Federal government. In this context, the group views the General Assembly not as a challenge to the peace process but as a vital step toward long-term stability. They believe that if the party fails to reform from within, it risks further alienation from the Tigrayan population and leading to its complete demise , which could open the door for other political forces to take over, potentially destabilizing the region even further.
Addressing Accusations and Internal Divisions
Another significant concern for this group is the accusation that some members of the TPLF’s leadership are conspiring with external forces—including the Federal government—to weaken the party from within under the guise of reform. They argue that the only way to safeguard the party from these external pressures is through genuine internal reform that is led by Tigrayans and serves the interests of the region’s people. They emphasize that reform should not be about dismantling the TPLF or erasing its legacy but rather about adapting the party to meet the new political and social realities of post-war Tigray. In their view, any attempt to divide the party or weaken its influence from within is a betrayal of the people’s trust. Instead, they advocate for a renewal of the TPLF’s commitment to the values of justice, integrity, and the well-being of the Tigrayan people.
Vision for the Future
For the Dedicated TPLF Reformists, the future of Tigray and the TPLF are deeply intertwined. They argue that despite its flaws, the TPLF remains the most experienced and capable political force to lead Tigray through the challenging period of reconstruction and recovery. This group believes that a reformed TPLF, free from corruption and more responsive to the needs of the people, can guide the region toward stability and prosperity.
Key to their vision is the belief that the TPLF must return to its roots as a grassroot movement that puts the people first. This means reconnecting with the grassroots, rebuilding the party’s structures to ensure democratic participation, and making leadership decisions that prioritize the public interest over personal gain. They also call for greater transparency within the party and an inclusive dialogue with the people of Tigray to chart a collective path forward.
Moreover, they emphasize that Tigray’s challenges go beyond internal party politics. The group sees the TPLF as critical in negotiating with the Federal government to secure Tigray’s constitutional boundaries, ensure the return of displaced people, and guarantee the region’s autonomy and security. For them, the TPLF’s ability to lead these efforts effectively will depend on its capacity to reform itself and restore the people’s faith in its leadership.
Group 3: Reform Advocates Awaiting Federal Endorsement
The third group also believes in the necessity of reform within the TPLF but holds a more cautious approach. They feel that any major political reform or assembly should be delayed until the party receives clear legitimacy from the Federal government. They worry that premature action might provoke further conflict, which Tigray is not in a position to handle.
This group places a high priority on avoiding additional conflict at all costs. They highlight the importance of resolving territorial disputes, such as those with Eritrea and the Amhara region, and returning displaced people to their homes. Additionally, they view the restoration of constitutional boundaries as paramount for Tigray’s stability. According to them, engaging in internal party reform without first securing a legal framework from the Federal government could trigger unwanted tensions, jeopardizing both regional peace and the progress made under the Pretoria Peace Accord.
To this group, the TPLF must focus on rebuilding trust with the Federal government, regaining legal status, and addressing more pressing issues like displaced populations and occupied territories before turning its attention inward.
Post The General Assembly
The General Assembly in Mekelle was a turning point for the TPLF, reflecting both internal divisions and the beginning of a new chapter in the party’s leadership. The removal of certain leaders who boycotted the meeting signaled not just an internal shift, but also a moment of reckoning for the party, as it grapples with its identity and future direction. The decision to expel these leaders, although controversial to some, was seen by the majority of TPLF members as a necessary step toward reform. This move underscored the party’s intent to cleanse itself of internal dissent and those seen as obstacles to change, signaling a new era of leadership.
For the residents of Mekelle, and many of those who participated in the discussions during the assembly, this decision carried a mix of emotions. On one hand, there was a sense of optimism that the TPLF was finally addressing its internal problems head-on, making room for new leaders who might be more in tune with the region’s needs and the challenges of post-war recovery. On the other hand, there was also a lingering sense of skepticism, as many wondered whether these changes were sufficient to heal the deep wounds left by the conflict and to restore faith in the party's ability to lead. The general sentiment in Mekelle was one of cautious hope. The people I spoke with recognized that while removing a few leaders might mark a step toward reform, the TPLF still had a long road ahead in regaining the trust of the population. Many expressed that the true test of the party’s future lies not just in the changes made at the top, but in how the TPLF engages with the people moving forward—whether it will listen to their grievances, address the needs of war-torn communities, and foster an inclusive political environment that reflects the desires of a new generation of Tigrayans.
As the TPLF moves forward in this period of transition, its ability to balance internal reform with the external pressures of federal negotiations and regional stability will define its trajectory. The assembly’s resolutions mark the beginning of this delicate balancing act, as the party works to reposition itself as a force for good governance and peace in the region, while simultaneously managing its complex relationship with both internal reformists and external critics. Ultimately, the decisions made in Mekelle have set the stage for a political evolution in Tigray—one where the future remains uncertain, but the possibilities for change are increasingly tangible.
My Personal take
My personal take on this issue is shaped by a deep sense of connection to Tigray and its history, and I should come clean that I am not free of bias. I strongly believe in the need for a strong, organized political party that can effectively mobilize the people, one that has grassroots structures, a solid reputation, and a real capacity to address the needs of the population. For me, the TPLF, despite its flaws, represents more than just a political organization—it is a symbol of Tigray’s resilience, history, and the immense sacrifices made by generations of Tigrayans in the pursuit of freedom and autonomy.
To many in Tigray, the TPLF is not just a party but a monument to the immense sacrifices paid in blood by their children, siblings, and parents in the struggle for freedom and autonomy . It represents a collective memory of resistance, survival, and hope. The decades-long fight against the Derg regime and the TPLF’s pivotal role in securing autonomy for Tigray have left an indelible mark on the region’s identity. The people of Tigray remember not just the military victories but the sense of unity and purpose that the TPLF cultivated during its early years as a revolutionary movement. For many, the TPLF embodies the very essence of the region’s fight for self-determination, justice, and the right to chart its own future.
However, this historical legacy is also a double-edged sword. The very strength and sense of duty that once bound the people to the TPLF have, in recent years, become a source of tension and division. The party’s long tenure in power, combined with the missteps in governance, corruption, and the devastating conflict that has ravaged Tigray, have eroded much of the public’s trust. Yet, despite these significant challenges, the party remains deeply rooted in the social and political fabric of the region. For this reason, I believe that simply discarding the TPLF, as some critics suggest, is neither practical nor desirable. The TPLF’s historical role and the grassroots structures it has built over decades make it a unique political force in Tigray. It has the capacity to mobilize the people in ways that other emerging political groups cannot. This is not to say that the party should not change—it absolutely must. Reform is essential if the TPLF is to regain the trust of the people and position itself as a force for progress in post-conflict Tigray. But any reform must build on the party’s deep connections to the people and its historical legacy rather than attempt to erase or ignore them.
At its core, the TPLF is more than just an organization; it is a repository of collective memory and a reminder of the sacrifices made for the freedom Tigrayans cherish today. For this reason, I believe that the TPLF, if it can successfully reform itself and reconnect with its revolutionary ideals, remains the best hope for guiding Tigray through its current challenges. Some question the continued influence of the TPLF in Tigray’s political landscape, especially after losing much of its economic power and control over state apparatus. Despite these significant setbacks, the party’s deep grassroots support among the people has propelled it forward, demonstrating its remarkable resilience. Even in the aftermath of the conflict and the challenges it has faced, the TPLF’s enduring connection with the local population has enabled it to remain a key political force in the region. This grassroots backing, built over decades of struggle, organizing, and governance, is seen by many as a testament to the party’s ability to adapt and endure. The TPLF’s survival, despite severe political and economic blows, underscores the depth of its relationship with the people of Tigray, who continue to see the party as a symbol of their historical struggle for autonomy, justice, and self-determination.
The key to this transformation lies in the grassroots. The TPLF’s strength has always come from its ability to engage with communities at the local level, to understand their concerns, and to mobilize them around a common cause. This connection to the people is what made the party so powerful during the liberation struggle, and it is what can make it powerful again. But to do this, the TPLF must first acknowledge its past mistakes, root out corruption, and prioritize transparency and accountability in its leadership.
The task of rebuilding trust will not be easy, but it is possible. The TPLF’s grassroots structures, its historical role, and its ability to mobilize the people are assets that can be leveraged to create a more inclusive, democratic, and accountable party. A reformed TPLF, one that is responsive to the needs and aspirations of the people, can still play a critical role in shaping Tigray’s future.
In short, my personal belief is that Tigray’s best chance for a prosperous and peaceful future lies not in abandoning the TPLF but in reforming it. The party’s legacy of sacrifice and its deep connection to the people of Tigray provide a foundation upon which meaningful change can be built. If the TPLF can embrace reform, reconnect with its revolutionary roots, and prioritize the welfare of the people over the interests of a few, it can once again become the driving force for progress and justice in Tigray.
